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用户流失预测问题广泛应用在银行、金融、电信等多种领域。对用户行为进行有效的预测和分析有助于企业的竞争和了解瞬息万变的市场规律。采用3种混合的数据挖掘模型对用户流失问题进行了研究,以形成一个准确高效的用户流失预测模型。这3种模型应用于数据挖掘的两个阶段:聚类阶段和预测分析阶段。在第1阶段中,对用户的数据进行过滤。第2阶段对用户行为进行预测。第1个模型采用了二分k-means算法进行数据过滤和多层感知人工神经网络(MLP-ANN)相结合进行预测。第2个模型采用层次化聚类与MLP–ANN相结合进行预测。第3个模型使用自组织映射(Self-Organizing Maps)与MLP-ANN进行预测。这3种模型预测分析基于真实数据,用户流失率采用3种模型混合计算的方式得出结果并同真实值进行比较。分析结果表明采用多模型的混合数据挖掘模型的数据准确度优于普通的单一模型。 相似文献
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针对网络攻防环境中防御方以提高系统生存能力为目的所进行的最优生存防御策略的选取问题,提出了一种基于完全信息动态博弈理论的生存防御策略优化配置算法。将恶意攻击方、故障意外事件及防御方作为博弈的参与人,提出了一种混合战略模式下的三方动态博弈模型,对博弈的主要信息要素进行了说明,以混合战略纳什均衡理论为基础,将原纳什均衡条件式的表达式转化为可计算数值结果的表达式,并据此增加了近似的概念,最后,将提出的模型和近似纳什均衡求解算法应用到一个网络实例中,结果证明了模型和算法的可行性和有效性。 相似文献
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Akinbode Fasakin 《African Security Review》2017,26(1):87-108
This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems. 相似文献
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Ian Westerman 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(3):276-288
The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes. 相似文献
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Nadine Ansorg 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):129-144
Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually. 相似文献